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Members of Reporters Without Borders (RSF) and the well-known Parisian street artist C215 painted the portraits of ten imprisoned Turkish journalists and deployed a #SaveTurkishJournalists banner outside the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) in
Nobel laureate writer J. M. Coetzee sends solidarity message to Turkish hunger striking educators
On April 24, 2017, Serdar Kuni, a 45-year-old Kurdish doctor accused of providing medical aid to Kurdish rebels, stood in a courtroom in Sirnak in southeastern Turkey. The courtroom overlooked buildings reduced to rubble and a deserted mosque with
French journalist held in Turkey on hunger strike: Press freedom group
#FreeAhmetAltan NOW! Well-known journalist arrested nearly 8 months ago for "sending subliminal messages" on TV. #SaveTurkishJournalists! http://pic.twitter.com/wkpHuXpmuq
— RSF_EECA (@RSF_EECA) May 28, 2017
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Following in the footstep of the rating agencies, investment banks were busy building up a self-fulfilling prophecy before and after the Turkish referendum of 16 April, 2017.
Istanbul Stock Exchange. Wikicommons/Thomas Steiner. Some rights reserved.Before the referendum, global and domestic capital betted on the Justice and Development Party (AKP) regime like a horse whose jockey knows how to win by bending the rules. The bet has reflected the business elites’ preference for stability and their lack of interest in democracy.
In what follows, I discuss the rating agency and investment bank bias in favour of right-wing authoritarian regimes, the sources of fragilities in the Turkish economy, and the vengeance with which the institutional cull under the AKP regime may come to haunt both domestic and foreign capital in Turkey.
Erdogan’s desire to install a presidential system in Turkey has been inspired by Kisakurek’s ‘Basyuce’ concept as the representative of the Sunni majority.
Poet and Islamist ideologue, Necip Fazıl Kısakürek. Wikicommons/ Berildeman. Some rights reserved.Sultanism is on the rise. Beyond Turkey, the election of Trump in the US, the resilience of Putinism in Russia, all point out the emergence of highly personalized regimes of a certain type. What distinguishes sultanism from other forms of authoritarian regimes is its unrestrained personal rule beyond ideological constrains and rational legal forms, leading to the gradual removal of checks and balances in the system. Even though sultanism is traditionally more common under authoritarian regimes, features of neo-sultanism can nowadays also exist in so-called `democratic and societies of transition’.
Educators on hunger strike are members of outlawed DHKP-C: Interior Minister
Vía Erkan’s Field Diary http://ift.tt/2smKMro
Erkan's Field Diary 